By Kelsey Brugger, Garrett Downs

Maine Blue Dog Democrat Jared Golden is chasing the permitting white whale during his last year in the House, but he doesn’t seem to care if many other Democrats join him.

Golden is the primary co-sponsor of the “Standardizing Permitting and Expediting Economic Development (SPEED) Act,” H.R. 4776 from Natural Resources Chair Bruce Westerman (R-Ark.), which would overhaul the National Environmental Policy Act review process, including enacting new litigation limits. It could reach the House floor as soon as next week.

But Golden is not necessarily working on convincing lawmakers to his left about the legislation’s merits. In fact, Golden says, he was at times willing to be even more aggressive than Westerman.

It’s that independent streak that has defined his time in the House and helped him secure reelection in a swing district — and that is contributing to his planned departure.

Golden said he would support immediately “deeming projects approved if the government can’t get their ducks in a row in a certain amount of time.”

“I’d rather put the impetus on the government — if you can’t do it in like two years or whatever it is, you move forward,” said the fourth-term lawmaker.

Such thinking has separated Golden from most other Democrats, who want to either preserve NEPA scrutiny of projects or only make modest changes. Golden is not spending too much time on them.

Rep. Adam Gray of California, also a member of the centrist Blue Dog Coalition, was the only other Democrat who voted for the “SPEED Act” in committee during a markup last month. Outside Natural Resources, the bill has a handful of other moderate Democratic co-sponsors.

The day before the markup, wearing blue jeans, a blue flannel shirt and work boots, Golden came across more like a frustrated apolitical outdoorsman than a congressional dealmaker.

Indeed, the 43-year-old Marine veteran’s frustration with Capitol Hill prompted his decision to retire, writing, “Simply put, what I could accomplish in this increasingly unproductive Congress pales in comparison to what I could do in that time as a husband, a father and a son.”

Looking ahead at his last year at the Capitol, Golden offered light scorn for just about everyone, from his fellow Democrats who he says don’t understand the NEPA bill to Republican strategists who don’t seem to want Democrats to support the legislation anyway.

“I want to see something get done,” he said. “So I’m going to ignore their political desires and think more about how do we show momentum in the Senate.”

Westerman wants a vote on the NEPA bill before the end of the year. He can probably make it pass the Republican-controlled House with ease. The big negotiations, Golden says, will be in the Senate, where legislation needs a filibuster-proof majority.

“Westerman knows that his bill is not going to become law without working with Democrats, but they’re also not going to negotiate if they feel like Democrats aren’t sincere in wanting to get to ‘yes,'” Golden said.

Golden did help negotiate a bipartisan amendment — passed during the markup — to prevent the president from canceling permitted projects.

Key senators on permitting, like Environment and Public Works ranking member Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), have made similar demands in response to the Trump administration’s attack on renewable energy projects.

Still, many Natural Resources Committee Democrats wanted more guarantees for renewable energy. Some call the legislation a giveaway to fossil fuels. Members like Democrat Scott Peters of California have been working on finding compromise between both camps.

Golden says he’s “not hostile” to renewable energy but thinks some Democrats tend to ignore the fine print, pointing to offshore wind projects’ impacts on fishermen, which he called the “lifeblood of the entire coastline.” He also has concerns about Maine’s rush to build commercial solar energy, including ramifications for farmland.

There could be changes to the legislation when it hits the House floor. But those amendments would probably not be favorable to Democrats.

Golden said that “based on some conversations I’ve had,” Republican leaders will “probably try and pull the bill right.” “Maybe Bruce convinces them not to do that,” Golden said, referring to Westerman.

“I’m usually of the mind, on any given issue, half the people that are toeing the party line in either party, it’s actually not what they fully believe,” Golden said. “If you could remove all the various political pressures, they would be closer to where my head is at.”

Golden said he hasn’t talked about the NEPA bill with the top Democrat on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, ranking member Martin Heinrich of New Mexico.

“Senators don’t spend a lot of time negotiating with the House; they negotiate with the White House,” Golden said.

House Natural Resources ranking member Jared Huffman (D-Calif.), a progressive, is often on the opposite side of Golden on many energy and environmental issues, but Huffman says the lines of communication are open.

“Obviously Jared Golden and I have different politics. But I have appreciated him as a straight shooter. He doesn’t blindside you. He communicates with me and my staff in a way I appreciate, and that doesn’t always happen,” said Huffman.

Members on both sides — including Huffman — insist they’re open to a broad, bipartisan deal on permitting. They’ve been saying that for years now.

“The R’s are going to have to decide if they want to take credit for getting something done,” Golden said. “And the Dems will have to decide if they want a share of that. Or if it’s just going to be like, ‘Oh no, we’re going to win the House in ’26 and the White House in ’28. But, oh shit, the margins are tight.‘”

Golden added, “You could see how in another world we’re just like sitting here having this conversation in 2030.”